Reproductive Freedom for All (formerly known as NARAL Pro-Choice America) is a major pro-abortion advocacy and activism organization. Reproductive Freedom for All promotes increased access to abortion, contests restrictions to abortion at any stage of pregnancy, advocates increased access to contraception and insurance coverage for contraception and abortion, advocates restricting the free speech and free assembly rights of pro-life activists, and advocated packing the Supreme Court with Democratic-appointed Justices to outweigh the votes of Republican-appointed Justices. ^{1 2 3 4 5 6}

NARAL Pro-Choice America changed its name to “Reproductive Freedom for All” in 2023, a year after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, which had mandated the legalization of abortion nationwide. The organization determined that the term “pro-choice” was no longer as suitable when states had the ability to choose to institute protections for unborn life. ¹

Reproductive Freedom for All regularly endorses Democratic politicians at the local, state, and federal levels and is run by a long-time left-of-center and Democratic Party operative Mini Timmaraju, who previously worked for the Biden administration, the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign in 2016, and the Planned Parenthood Federation of America. ^{7 8 7 9}

History

The precursor to Reproductive Freedom for All was formed in 1964, prior to the Supreme Court decision in Roe v Wade which federally mandated legal abortion. Reproductive Freedom for All was originally named the Association to Repeal Abortion Laws (ARAL). Reproductive Freedom for All was founded by Pat Maginnis, Lana Phelan, and Rowena Gurner, three abortion advocates in California known as the “Army of Three.” ¹⁰

Maginnis, known as the “Che Guevara of abortion reformers,” not only fought to repeal abortion laws, but also took radical steps to advocate for the widespread use of abortion, including teaching classes for women describing techniques for performing at-home abortions without the supervision of a medical provider. Maginnis was arrested for her work, which led to the repeal of a San Francisco ordinance barring individuals from educating women about how to “induce a miscarriage.” ¹¹

The National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws was established in 1969 when members convened for the “First National Conference on Abortion Laws: Modification or Repeal.” ¹¹ The conference was sponsored by 21 organizations and attended by 350 people. At the first convention, attendees elected the NARAL Planning Committee, which included left-of-center activists such as Betty Friedan. The Planning Committee defined NARAL’s purpose as being “dedicated to the elimination of all laws and practices that would compel any woman to bear a child against her will,” calling abortion “the basic human right of a woman.” ¹²

The planning committee adopted a plan of action which included establishing political action groups to promote abortion in all states, serving as a “clearinghouse” for abortion advocacy, mass-distributing literature dedicated to repealing abortion laws, training field workers for legislative and direct action, and fundraising. The Committee elected Lee Gidding as NARAL’s first executive director on February 25, 1969, and she opened NARAL’s first office one week later. ¹²

Before the Supreme Court handed down its decision in Roe v. Wade in 1973, NARAL worked primarily with other state-based groups to repeal abortion laws and to oversee the implementation of pro-abortion policies in states with looser restrictions. ¹²

Post-Roe v. Wade

In January 1973, the United States Supreme Court held in Roe v. Wade that during the first three months of a woman’s pregnancy, abortion was a private decision between a woman and her health care provider, and in the second three months, state regulation should only be permitted to protect the health of the mother. In effect, the decision mandated legalized abortion throughout the United States. ¹²

Following the Roe decision, Reproductive Freedom for All changed its name to the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) in late 1973 to reflect the Court’s repeal of abortion regulation. ¹² In response to a wave of pro-life activism following the court decision, Reproductive Freedom for All began to actively recruit members and aggressively fundraise, moving its headquarters to Washington, D.C. in order to lobby more effectively. ¹²

In 1976, Congress passed the Hyde Amendment, a law which bars federal funds from being used for abortion services, with exceptions for cases of rape, incest, and the need to save the life of the mother.  Reproductive Freedom for All alleged that the law “turned the right to abortion into a privilege,” and that same year, Reproductive Freedom for All. ¹⁰

The following year, Reproductive Freedom for All shifted its organizational focus to political activism, establishing NARAL PAC.  The organization also established a charitable arm, the NARAL Foundation (known as the Reproductive Freedom for All Foundation), as a pro-abortion education organization. ^{10 13}

Beginning in the 1980s, Reproductive Freedom for All shifted its focus to grassroots organizing following the widespread election of conservative officials in the election of 1980. Five years later, the organization collected over 40,000 letters gathered from women who had received abortions for its “Abortion Rights, Silent No More” campaign.  Reproductive Freedom for All leaders then read the letters aloud at a gathering in May 1985. In 1989, Reproductive Freedom for All continued its push for pro-abortion grassroots activism, cosponsoring the March for Women’s Lives and organizing nationwide “Speak Out” rallies for individuals to discuss the “benefits” of abortion as the Supreme Court heard a challenge to the constitutionality of a Missouri law restricting it. ¹⁰

Move to Political Lobbying

The 1992 Supreme Court decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey scaled back the constitutional protections for abortion provided by Roe v. Wade, while still upholding the broader legal right to access abortions. ¹⁰ The following year, on the anniversary of Roe, President Bill Clinton ordered the reversal of federal abortion restrictions put in place by former pro-life presidents. ¹⁰

During the mid-1990s, Reproductive Freedom for All shifted its focus away from grassroots activism towards political lobbying. ¹⁰ Reproductive Freedom for All aggressively lobbied Congress to pass the Family and Medical Leave Act in 1993, and in the following year, NARAL worked towards the passage of the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrance (FACE) Act which forbids anyone from threatening or physically obstructing individuals entering abortion clinics. ¹⁰ In 1995, Reproductive Freedom for All helped to organize the Women’s Rights rally in New York City in order to protest a visit by then-Pope John Paul II because the Pope asserted the longstanding Catholic position that abortion is against the Catholic faith. ¹⁰

In 2003, Reproductive Freedom for All changed its official name to NARAL Pro-Choice America to coincide with the launch of “its largest grassroots mobilization initiative in its history.” ¹⁰ Since 2000, Reproductive Freedom for All activity has focused on large-scale, mass-media campaigns designed to promote abortion across the United States. ¹⁰ Following the 2008 presidential election, Reproductive Freedom for All was ranked second among the nation’s top 21 political organizations for its win rate among NARAL-endorsed Democratic candidates in contested races. ¹⁰

Reproductive Freedom for All has organized several pro-abortion grassroots campaigns including “Men for Choice,” a campaign to organize pro-abortion men in support of NARAL. ¹⁰ Since the launch of the campaign in 2013, many left-of-center officials have joined, including U.S. Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ) and California Governor Gavin Newsom (D). ¹⁰ Three years later, during the 2016 Democratic primary elections, NARAL organized “#AskAboutAbortion,” a campaign to pressure debate moderators to ask a question about abortion during the Democratic primary debates. ¹⁰ That same year, Reproductive Freedom for All pushed the Democratic National Committee to include the repeal of the Hyde Amendment in its official platform. ¹⁰

Men for Choice campaign members are encouraged to share their stories, with one member writing that his “ex-girlfriend’s abortion saved my life.” ¹⁴ The anonymous author of the piece, published in Vice and republished on Reproductive Freedom for All’s website, argues that when he discovered his girlfriend was pregnant he felt “as if [he] was falling backward through space.” ¹⁴ The article goes onto argue that if the woman had not aborted her child, his “work, all the planning, all the decisions” he had made “could be upended” while he remained “out of control.” ¹⁴

NARAL also leads campaigns designed to demonize pro-life and Republican officials, launching the “Hypocrisy of the Pro-Life Movement” campaign to criticize those who oppose abortion by claiming that the Republican Party is “hellbent on harming women and families.” ¹⁵ In addition to encouraging supporters to get involved, Reproductive Freedom for All has partnered with other left-of-center organizations, including Emily’s List and the National Abortion Federation, to run anti-Republican ads on social media. ¹⁵

In 2016, members of the campaign released a letter to celebrate Father’s Day, arguing that then-presidential candidate Donald Trump was a “misogynist” for supporting a pro-life position. ¹⁶

In 2017, when President Donald Trump nominated Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch, Reproductive Freedom for All launched a grassroots campaign to fight the nomination called “The People’s Defense.” ¹⁰ The following year, Reproductive Freedom for All launched “Unite for Justice,” alongside left-of-center organizing group MoveOn.org, to fight the nomination of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh. ¹⁰

Since the appointment of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh in 2018, Reproductive Freedom for All has run the “Reality of Roe” campaign, a state-based initiative to create support for abortion. ¹⁷ NARAL launched the campaign in order to push state legislatures to adopt expansive legislation permitting abortion. ¹⁷ Through the initiative, Reproductive Freedom for All encouraged supporters to host “Pro-Choice Postcard” parties in which pro-abortion supporters gather to send postcards to state legislators encouraging the expansion of abortion access. ¹⁸

In 2019, when several states passed laws designed to limit abortions, Reproductive Freedom for All, alongside the ACLU and the Planned Parenthood Action Fund, launched the #StopTheBans campaign to protest the legislation.¹⁹ NARAL planned more than 400 events outside statehouses and courts on a single day, drawing crowds, including U.S. Senator and then-Democratic presidential candidate Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), who called the state-based bans “the beginning of President Trump’s war on women.” ¹⁹

Post-Dobbs v. Jackson

In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization case. In response, Reproductive Freedom for All, Planned Parenthood Action Fund, and EMILY’s List spent roughly $150 million in the 2022 midterms in order to elect pro-abortion politicians to office. ²⁰

Following the overturning of Roe v. Wade, Reproductive Freedom for All, then NARAL Pro-Choice America, joined the Just Majority campaign to advocate expanding the number of justices on the Supreme Court with more Democratic-appointed justices in order to outnumber Republican-appointed justices. ²

In 2023, Reproductive Freedom for All launched the “Freedom for Everybody” campaign to train organizers and activists to promote abortion. ²¹

In 2023, NARAL Pro-Choice America renamed itself again to “Reproductive Freedom for All.” The organization did so a year after Roe v. Wade was overturned. The organization determined that the term “pro-choice” was no longer as suitable when states had the ability to choose to institute protections for life. ¹

Advocacy

Federal Legislative Initiatives

Reproductive Freedom for All has led a series of initiatives to push for pro-abortion legislation. In 2019, NARAL supported the Women’s Health Protection Act, a bill which would codify the ruling of Roe v. Wade, declare legal abortions “essential to women’s health and central to women’s ability to participate equally in the economic and social life of the United States,” and prevent states from imposing any abortion restrictions whatsoever under the guise that regulating abortion is tantamount to regulating interstate commerce. ^{22 23} Reproductive Freedom for All encouraged its members to contact their congressional representatives in support of the proposal. ²²

Reproductive Freedom for All has further fought for the Global Health, Empowerment, and Rights (HER) Act in response to a federal rule that denies aid funding to foreign non-governmental organizations that promote abortion services and was repealed by the Obama administration and restored by the Trump administration. ²⁴ The HER Act aims to make it illegal for the United States to deny health funding to foreign NGOs because they promote abortion. ²⁴

NARAL is a major proponent of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), a proposed constitutional amendment to guarantee equal legal rights between genders in matters of property, divorce, employment, and more. ^{25 26} Reproductive Freedom for All encouraged supporters to contact representatives in an attempt to pass the ERA through Congress, and to contact state representatives to urge states to hold a vote on the ratification of the ERA to pass it through the state ratification process. ²⁵ In 2020, Virginia became the 38^th state to ratify the ERA. ²⁶ The ERA will now face constitutional challenges regarding the timeline of its ratification. ²⁷

Aside from advocating for increased access to abortion, Reproductive Freedom for All also pushes for policies including expanded mandatory paid family leave and mandatory coverage of contraception on private insurance plans. ²⁸

While still named NARAL Pro-Choice America, Reproductive Freedom for All cited of legislative “successes” on its website, most notably its #NoAbortionBan campaign. ²⁹ In January 2018, congressional Republicans proposed a federal ban on abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy. ²⁹ NARAL circulated a petition and sent letters urging Congress to reject the legislation, which ultimately failed. ²⁹

When Republicans endeavored to repeal and replace the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), NARAL called the plan a “threat to Medicaid, anyone with a pre-existing condition, and necessary access to health care for women.” ³⁰ NARAL sent over 50,000 messages to Congress opposing the repeal, in addition to making thousands of phone calls. ³⁰ Though NARAL took credit for the failure to repeal Obamacare and claimed that they needed to “keep the pressure on so that Republicans know they can’t trample reproductive freedom,” it was Republican Senator John McCain’s “no” vote which prevented the repeal. ^{30 31}

In July 2019, Democratic congresswomen introduced the EACH Woman Act, a bill which would repeal the Hyde Amendment. ³² Reproductive Freedom for All, Planned Parenthood, and several other left-of-center organizations gathered more than 170,000 signatures in support of the bill, which ultimately stalled in the House Subcommittee on Health. ^{32 33}

Intervention in Elections

Though most of Reproductive Freedom for All’s political interventions come through its political action committee, Reproductive Freedom for All itself has made significant expenditures to influence elections in favor of Democratic candidates. During the 2018 midterm election, Reproductive Freedom for All launched its largest election action to that date, spending over $5 million to elect pro-abortion candidates in 19 different states. ^{34 10}

During 2017, Reproductive Freedom for All reported spending over $8.5 million on political campaign activities, excluding direct donations to campaigns from NARAL PAC, to provide “choice messaging,” “talking points,” and “campaign assistance” for various Democratic candidates. ^{35 36} Reproductive Freedom for All’s largest donation recipients include the Democratic Attorneys General Association ($100,000), Citizens for a Better Illinois ($338,882), and Vote Vets Action Fund ($350,000). ³⁷ Reproductive Freedom for All also made expenditures on behalf of particular candidates’ campaigns, including $30,000 to Virginia Governor Ralph Northam (D) who went on to sign one of the most extensive pieces of pro-abortion legislation in the country. ³⁸

During the 2018 election cycle, Reproductive Freedom for All made a total of $962,853 in independent expenditures to push for the election of pro-abortion representatives, with an overwhelming majority of all expenditures going to oppose Republican congressional candidates. ^{39 40} Reproductive Freedom for All spent over $100,000 in order to oppose Republicans in each of four congressional races, most notably spending over $170,000 to defeat Republican incumbent Rep. David Brat (R-VA) in Virginia’s 7^th District. ^{40 41}

Covid-19 Response

In the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, several governors ordered the suspension of most abortions during the outbreak as part of a shutdown of all nonessential medical procedures. ⁴² Several pro-abortion groups, including Reproductive Freedom for All, have presented legal challenges to the bans, causing most of the orders to be blocked or partially scaled back. ⁴²

Reproductive Freedom for All used the Covid-19 pandemic to push pro-abortion messaging, holding an online webinar in April 2020 on fighting “health disinformation” both on social media and “in conversation with your family.” ⁴³ NARAL has also used the pandemic to push the FDA to lift restrictions on abortions through medications. ⁴⁴

In the wake of protests against stay-at-home orders in many states, Reproductive Freedom for All accused those protesting of being “right wing.” ⁴⁵ When a photo surfaced of an anti-lockdown protestors holding a “my body, my choice” sign, then-Reproductive Freedom for All president Ilyse Hogue took to Twitter, claiming without evidence that the woman is a “right wing” operative “coopting symbols and language from other movements.” ⁴⁵ Hogue went so far as to assume that the woman is pro-life and accused her of “hypocrisy” for choosing to be outside, which Hogue claimed “jeopardizes literally thousands of lives.” ⁴⁶

In response to the pandemic, Reproductive Freedom for All launched a six-figure advertising campaign to target voters in swing states, alleging that President Trump and other Republican lawmakers are “putting ideology over science” and using the pandemic as an excuse to “roll back the clock” on the availability of abortion services. ⁴² The advertisement follows Reproductive Freedom for All’s announcement that its political arm would be spending nearly $35 million during the 2020 election cycle to target voters in swing states, including Michigan, Iowa, and Colorado. ⁴² Reproductive Freedom for All had also praised Democratic governors whom vetoed legislation which would declare abortion a non-essential procedure during the pandemic. ⁴⁷

Reproductive Freedom for All officials went on the record to state that even during a pandemic, “People need the freedom to make their own health care decisions.” ⁴⁸ Reproductive Freedom for All also used the pandemic to push for vote-by-mail in the 2020 elections, alongside many other left-of-center organizations, despite documented security risks of vote by mail. ⁴⁹

Campaigns and Activities

Reproductive Freedom for All also regularly gives endorsements to politicians who support increasing abortion access. As of July 2025, Reproductive Freedom for All had endorsed over 20 Democratic Party candidates for U.S. House races. During the 2024 campaign, Reproductive Freedom for All claimed to have made 200,000 call promoting pro-abortion policies and candidates, fielded nearly 1,500 volunteer door knockers, texted over 12 million voters, launched multi-million video ad campaigns to support the presidential candidacy of then-Vice President Kamala Harris, paid for ads claiming then-former President Donald Trump was to blame for the death of a Georgia woman who could not access abortion, and endorsed nearly 400 candidates at the local, state, and federal levels. ^{7 8}

Reproductive Freedom For All publishes a legislative scorecard featuring every member of the U.S. House and Senate. The scorecard rates legislators on their support for legislation that affects abortion and contraception. As of 2025, the scorecard rated legislative actions from 2016 to 2024.  ⁵⁰

Reproductive Freedom hosts an anonymous chatbot on its website called “Chat with Charley” that coaches people “no matter where you live” on how to obtain abortions. The Chatbot is available in English and Spanish and was created in collaboration with INeedAnA.com, Plan C, and the Miscarriage + Abortion Hotline. ⁵¹

Additionally, Reproductive Freedom for All has a “Sex Ed for All” campaign, which promotes “equitable” and “inclusive” “sex education for everyone.”  ⁵²

Reproductive Freedom for All also hosts and promotes resources to aid women to access abortion, including information on where to find abortion providers, advice on how to procure abortion, support to gain funding to pay for an abortion, legal advocacy, information on self-managed abortions, and pro-abortion help call-lines. ⁵³

State Chapters

As of 2024, Reproductive Freedom for All had focused campaigns through chapters in five states: Arizona, California, Georgia, Michigan, and Nevada. The purpose of the state chapters is to build grassroots momentum for pro-abortion policies. ⁵⁴

Reproductive Freedom for All Arizona participated in the 2024 election Proposition 139 ballot measure to create a state constitutional right to abortion and block an Arizona law restricting abortions when fetuses can feel pain at around 15 weeks. In 2025, Reproductive Freedom for All Arizona organized against state Republican attempts to restore certain pro-life measures. ³

Reproductive Freedom for All California promotes California’s lax abortion laws, including defending the state’s constitutional provision protecting abortion, promoting “contraceptive equity,” supporting over-the-counter birth control options, and supporting state mandates for insurance to cover contraception. The chapter also scores California bills and legislatures based on their friendliness to abortion. ⁴

Reproductive Freedom for All Georgia works to protect abortionists from facing any criminal consequences for any of their actions, supports LGBT rights and activists, advocates for increasing access to abortion and contraception, supports in-vitro fertilization (IVF) treatment access, and supports expanding Medicaid. ⁵

Reproductive Freedom for All Michigan advocates for legislation to restrict free speech and free association around abortion clinics to prevent pro-life activism, lobbies to restore state funding for Planned Parenthood, fought to eliminate criminal penalties for medicated abortion and to include abortion coverage in insurance, and advocated for increasing access to abortion among poor and minority communities. ⁶

Reproductive Freedom for All Nevada advocates for legislation that increases access to abortion and contraception. ⁵⁵

Founder’s Conversion to the Pro-Life Movement

In 1969, Bernard Nathanson was one of the founders of Reproductive Freedom for All and a staunch pro-abortion advocate. ⁵⁶ Nathanson, an obstetrician and gynecologist, also served as NARAL’s first medical adviser and was colloquially referred to as the “Abortion King.” ^{56 57} In 1970, the state of New York legalized abortion, at which point Nathanson became the director of the Center for Reproductive and Sexual Health, which he went on to call itself “the largest abortion clinic in the Western world.” ⁵⁶ Nathanson presided over 75,000 abortion procedures during his time with the pro-abortion movement. ⁵⁶

In the mid-1970s, Nathanson began experiencing misgivings about abortion, especially as sonograms became more readily available and Nathanson saw that individuals could “see the human fetus, measure it, observe it, watch it, and indeed bond with it and love it.” ⁵⁸ Nathanson performed his last abortion in late 1978 or early 1979 and went on to dedicate his life to writing and speaking out against abortion. ⁵⁶

Terry Beatley, founder and president of Hosea Initiative, has since claimed that on his death bed, Nathanson admitted to an “8 point propaganda strategy he used to deceive America into believing abortion is ‘women’s healthcare.’”⁵⁷ Nathanson himself admitted in interviews and papers that he and NARAL misrepresented the amount of abortions performed in the United States to arouse sympathy for the cause and admitted to using false polling numbers regarding the favorability of abortion and quoting them to the media. ⁵⁸

Reproductive Freedom for All has since fully written Nathanson out of its history, with a search for “Nathanson” on the Reproductive Freedom for All website yielding not a single result. ⁵⁹

Leadership

As of 2025, the president and chief executive officer of Reproductive Freedom for All was Mini Timmaraju. Timmaraju became the president and CEO of Reproductive Freedom for All in November 2021. She is a longtime left-of-center and Democratic Party operative. Previously, she was senior advisor to the director at the U.S. Office of Personnel and Management during the Biden Administration. Before that, Timmaraju was the executive director of diversity, equity, and inclusion and the executive director of external affairs at Comcast NBC Universal; the national women’s vote and outreach director for Hillary for America, the Hillary Clinton for president campaign in 2016; the national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans (NCAPA); the chief of staff for U.S. Representative Ami Bera (D-CA); the director of the office of the president for the Planned Parenthood Federation of America; the vice president of public affairs and government relations at Planned Parenthood Gulf Coast; the political director of Planned Parenthood of Houston and Southeast Texas Action Fund; the district director for former U.S. Rep. Nick Lampson (D-TX); the legislative and political director for Texas ACORN; and the executive director of the New Hampshire Senate Democratic Caucus. ^{7 9}

The previous president of Reproductive Freedom for All, when it was NARAL Pro-Choice America, was Ilyse Hogue. Hogue previously worked with MoveOn.org, Friends of Democracy, and Media Matters for America before joining the organization. ⁶⁰ Hogue also sat on the editorial board for The Nation magazine, a left-wing publication. ⁶⁰ In 2016, Hogue considered a run for chair of the Democratic National Committee, after working as a top surrogate fundraiser for Hillary Clinton and spoke of her own abortion at the 2016 Democratic National Convention. ^{61 62}

Financials

According to tax filings, in 2023 Reproductive Freedom for All reported $11,642,671 in revenue, down from $17,158,221 the previous year; $12,909,794 in expenses, down from $16,044,575 the previous year; and $$6,918,031 in assets, more than the $4,138,779 reported at the beginning of that year. ⁶³

In 2023, Reproductive Freedom for All reported spending $6,266,995 on advocacy and organizing to support abortion, $2,446,336 on communications to promote abortion, and $477,866 on government relations to track and analyze state and federal abortion-related policies. That year, Reproductive Freedom for All reported receiving $1,407,645 in revenue from fundraising events and $8,865,992 from gifts, grants, and other contributions. ⁶³

That same year, Reproductive Freedom for All reported giving the following grants to left-of-center and Democratic Party-aligned organizations: $150,000 to the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, $50,000 to Democratic Attorneys, $25,000 to Ohioans for Reproductive Justice, $25,000 to a Better Wisconsin Together, $25,000 to the Democratic Governors Association, $15,000 to the Arizona Democratic Party, $15,000 to EMILY’s List for a Black women-led event sponsorship, $15,000 to Nevada Senate Democrats, $10,000 to Arizona List, and $10,000 to Nevada Assembly Democratic CAU. ⁶³

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